{"id":9883,"date":"2020-08-22T19:01:03","date_gmt":"2020-08-22T13:31:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cpimwb.glohtesting.com\/?p=9883"},"modified":"2020-08-22T19:10:52","modified_gmt":"2020-08-22T13:40:52","slug":"smoke-and-mirror-a-corporate-hindutwa-project-as-delusional-nep","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cpimwb.glohtesting.com\/en\/smoke-and-mirror-a-corporate-hindutwa-project-as-delusional-nep\/","title":{"rendered":"Smoke and mirror: A Corporate Hindutwa Project as delusional NEP"},"content":{"rendered":"

Originally Published in Peoples Democracy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Niloypal<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

WebDesk Report<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any worthwhile policy making has to start with an objective assessment of the existing ground reality. Proceeding from this, discerning the challenges, the policy ought to set out a roadmap for overcoming them. However, despite the PM\u2019s loud claims that NEP 2020 was preceded by intense study and research for last 3-4 years, no data or reference to these appear in the policy document! Therefore, the inescapable conclusion is, more than anything else, this is a vision statement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nPM is uncharacteristically pitching for NEP asserting that it faces no\nopposition. Nothing could be further from the truth. This is the third version\nwhich has been cleared by the Cabinet. The first in 2017 was summarily rejected\nin the Parliament. The second in 2019 was forced to be amended within a day on\nthe language question. That draft version prompted thousands of critical\nresponses from every section of the stake holders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the reading of the 68 page NEP 2020 put out on the government\u2019s website, it is apparent that though education which figures in the concurrent list of the Constitution, the document does not reflect several serious disagreements of state governments, academic bodies and important academics, organisations of the teaching community and student bodies. With these consigned to wastebins, the PM must be obviously living in an echo-chamber of conformists!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taking\nadvantage of severe restrictions on public protest in this pandemic affected\nenvironment, in its familiar aggressive pursuit of anti-democratic and\nanti-federal agenda Modi government is aiming to unabashedly promote corporate\nintrusion through NEP 2020. This atmosphere reinforce his illusion about absence\nof active resistance!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With\nthe NEP document itself setting out a timeline which will go beyond 2030, the\ntearing hurry in finalising it without a public discourse and more importantly,\na discussion in the Parliament, clearly establishes a unilateral authoritarian\ndrive which betrays anxiety over the possible opposition and resistance!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nRSS is visibly euphoric. Reportedly, during the consultation over the NEP, the\nmost influential voice was that of the Sangh. RSS affiliates were involved through\nthe drafting process with meetings between their functionaries,education\nminister of some BJP ruled states, representatives of the Government and NEP\ndrafting committee chairman, K. Kasturirangan. The RSS demand on emphasising\n\u2018ancient Indian knowledge\u2019 has been incorporated in the final version of the\npolicy document. Perhaps, this is that crucial ground for the PM\u2019s sense of\ncomfort!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fundamental departure from the past<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Education\nhas been always recognised as a powerful instrument for national development\nand a means for realising the potential of our people. In fact, the battle for\nensuring access to education was aimed against exclusive control of the elite\nthrough British colonial policy of limiting mass education. Therefore,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

this\nbattle merged seamlessly with the struggle for achieving Indian freedom. Post-independence,\nthis basic thrust on universal mass education found its way into the\nConstitution and its directive principles. Born in the crucible of the freedom\nstruggle, the Constitution also recognised the rich diversity of the Indian\nsociety; its multi-lingual multi-cultural nature, the caste stratifications,\ndiscriminations and exclusions, the historical lags suffered by Dalits, Tribals\nand the unequal status of girl children.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\npost independent education policy had aimed towards overcoming these handicaps\nthrough the principle of social justice and affirmative action towards reinforcing\nthe secular democratic Republic based on equal citizenship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Divorced\nfrom that anti-colonial legacy, the framers of NEP 2020 has completely broken\naway from this legacy. In stressing the pre-eminence of Indian past without any\nspecific detailing of the possible course of such assimilation, the \u2018vision of\nNEP 2020\u2019 is \u201cto instil among the learners a deep rooted pride in being Indian,\nnot only in thought but also in sprit, intellect and deeds\u201d and \u201ccurriculum and\npedagogy from the foundational stage onwards will be redesigned in the Indian\nethos\u201d. (Para 4.29)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However,\nthe document does not define the \u2018Indian\u2019! Bulldozing the rich diversity,\nsocial stratification and exclusion, it does not elaborate on how it will\nrelate to the changing landscape and the global knowledge commons. It also does\nnot underline the need for nurturing scientific temper; with an unabashed\nadvocacy of the glory of the past and not to mention a complete silence about\nthe rich history of assimilation towards composite and syncretic development.\nWith eloquent silence, the policy has stopped short of spelling out the\nHindutwa straightjacket! No wonder that RSS is ecstatic!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Centralisation: death knell for federalism, autonomy and democratic participation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even before the new policy has begun its formal journey, the central thrust is in naked display through the audacious insistence of the UGC to implement its<\/p>\n\n\n\n

inflexible\nprescription for holding the final semester examination for the graduate and\nthe post graduate degrees across the country. Denying leeway to states and\nrespective universities for a credible evaluation while avoiding discrimination\non existing digital divide. It is ironical that the very pandemic Act which the\nUnion government is using to pursue its unilateral agenda empowers the states\nto exercise a flexible approach. But, NEP 2020 will signal the end of such\nresistance. The policy empowers extra ordinary centralisation to decide on\nevery aspect of education from early childhood care to research.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nConstitution makers had placed education under the state list in the Schedule.\nThe emergency and the 42 nd amendment to the Constitution transferred this from\nthe State to the Concurrent List. But, even with this change, school education\nwas managed by the states through the respective state school boards; NEP\nvirtually abandons this. The precise school syllabus will now substitute\ncurriculum framework. In the case of higher education, the role of central\ngovernment will be absolutely overarching. Now the apex of higher education\ngovernance will be assumed by Higher Education Commission of India (HECI)\nsuperseding the role of UGC, AICTE and other such bodies. Headed by the Prime\nMinister, it<\/p>\n\n\n\n

will\nhave 12 government appointees and just two academics. Four parallel stream of\nstructures dealing with funding, accreditation, standard setting and examinations\nwill function under the HECI. For research, the policy proposes a national\nresearch foundation which will take over all decisions on advanced research\nfunding from a range of overlapping institutions thus concentrating all\nconceivable powers for guiding research activities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nfederal arrangements following 1976 amendment will be altogether eliminated as\nthe NEP 2020 does not lay out any comprehensive framework for redeeming\ndemocratic obligations under the Concurrent list of the Constitution related to\npower sharing between the centre and the states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nfederal character of India, as \u2018Union of States\u2019 under the Constitution is\nalready greatly stressed due to centralisation of taxation powers of GST,\nabrogation of special protection to states and dismantling of the Planning\nCommission. NEP 2020 proposes to further centralise this anti-federal trend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nlanguage policy and the disproportionate priority for Sanskrit ,not as a\nsubject, but in competing different Indian languages is aimed to\ninstitutionalise this arrangement while further loading against the non-Hindi\nIndian languages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For\nNEP 2020, bulldozing the states and the underlined recognition of our rich diversity\nis the approach for ensuring \u2018national integration\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Apart\nfrom centre-state issues, NEP also takes away the role of democratic participation\nand engagement of the academic community, the students and the society at large\nto address the unevenness in our development process. The university-laboratory\nlinkage with the community which has been hitherto<\/p>\n\n\n\n

recognised\nas a basis for our education and research activities, will be replaced by a\nhighly centralised bureaucracy driven process. The elected senates, syndicates\nand academic councils will be substituted by the model of HECI.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Over\nthe years demand for granting more \u2018academic autonomy\u2019 is now being finally and\ndecisively abandoned. NITI Ayog\u2019s \u2018three year action agenda\u2019 (2017) and UGC\u2019s\nGraded Autonomy Regulations (2018) formally spoke of autonomy for HEI\u2019s. NEP\n2020 continues with same refrain. But the \u2018spirit of autonomy\u2019 will be\nprimarily predicated by \u2018financial autonomy\u2019, a euphemism for fast-track\nprivatisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Refashioning education<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prime\nMister\u2019s unusual interest in NEP 2020 is unsurprising with gross failures in\nhandling the pandemic and the catastrophic downturn of the Indian economy even\nbefore the pandemic arrived; therefore, more rhetoric! His sale pitch hinges on\nthe argument that NEP 2020 will ensure \u2018job creators\u2019 instead of \u2018job seekers\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps\nhis speech is prompted by the proposed fragmentation of both the school and the\nhigher education process with several exit points and variable degrees and\ncertificates. These proposals of NEP 2020 are being flaunted as ‘flexibility\u2019\nand \u2018choice\u2019. The absurdity of such an argument advanced by NEP can be\nunderstood from the fact that the first exit point is after class VI in the\nschool where it is proposed that a child at the age of 12 will learn through\n\u2018fun and work\u2019 as an intern without pay. If this is not legitimising child\nlabour with the existing act laying down prohibition of any labour below the\nage of 14, what is!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nall these post-independence years, dropout rate in schools and higher education\nhas been a major concern for education policy makers. This concern has prompted\nattempts to overcome socio economic inequality by inclusive affirmative action.\nFor example, only about 6% of STs, 8% of SCs, 9% of Muslims and 10% of OBCs are\nable to complete schooling till class 12 among children who are admitted in\nclass I. This massive exclusion from school, as well as, higher education is\nnow being glossed over through frequent use of terms like \u2018exit\/entry option\u2019\nand \u2018lifelong learning\u2019 and \u2018flexibility\u2019. Therefore, it is not surprising that\n\u2018reservation\u2019 does not find single mention in the entire text of NEP 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Frontal assault on public funded inclusive education<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Notwithstanding\nthe PM\u2019s rhetoric, which conveniently overlooks the horrific conditions of\nemployment where thousands of PhDs and post graduates jostled for recruitment\nto Group D posts in the government sector, the claim by offering exit points is\npure delusion. Employability and employment are completely different\npropositions, as much as \u2018job seeking\u2019 and \u2018job creation\u2019! The fact of the\nmatter is NEP 2020 constitutes a frontal assault on public funded education.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Notwithstanding\nthe pious commitment to increase public expenditure on education to 6% of the\nGDP, NEP 2020 does not clarify how much of this expenditure burden will be\nshouldered by the Union Government which collects 4% education cess on income\nand how the cost of expansion of pre-primary education for ages 3-6 years will\nbe managed by the severely resource constrained Anganwadis under the charge of state\ngovernments. With current record Central Government\u2019s budgetary expenditure and\ncategorisation of higher education institutions (HEIs) gives away the game.\nResearch universities, teaching universities and autonomous colleges aim to\nactually open floodgates of privatisation. For example, the autonomous colleges\nwill be encouraged to \u2018consolidate\u2019 potentially unviable institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That\nthe NEP is not based on any concrete study becomes further clear from the fact\nthat the policy has pegged such autonomous colleges at minimum student strength\nof 3000. All India higher education survey shows of all the 39,000 colleges in\nthe country, at present only 4.3%, have this prescribed strength. Promise of\n\u2018light but tight\u2019 regulation will facilitate private promoters to go berserk on\ncollecting fees. For ensuring access to higher education, the challenge of\neducation policy making is to guarantee affordability. Indian education\nfeatures that access is abysmally low at all levels with respect to even\ncomparable developing economies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similar\nexclusionary approach is evident in the proposal for cluster development in\nschool education. NEP 2020 proposes several schools which are spread over in\nremote habitations are complex to manage and must be clubbed to form a cluster.\nApart from running contrary to the ideas off Right to Education Act which\nstipulates that every habitation must have a school within a  radius of 1 km, the proposal merely repeats\nideas of Multinational consulting agencies which under the stewardship of BJP led\nstate governments forced closure of thousands of schools. Legitimising drop\nout, closing down institutions to slash cost on infrastructure and pushing\nlarge scale online education while opening up for major\nprivatisation\/commercialisation is the preferred route proposed in the new\npolicy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contrast\nthis to Kerala where students of private schools are opting to join appropriately\npublicly funded institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New paradigm: abandoning goal of modern democratic secular Republic <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nNEP 2020 sets out a blue print for abandoning the path of empowering Indian\neducation for a democratic secular republic. It constitutes a rejection of a time\nworn principle of \u2018unity through diversity\u2019 by decentralising educational governance\nto address the social economic and cultural reality. It unabashedly promotes\nthe vision of India of a past characterised by caste hierarchy andbackward\nlooking unscientific orthodoxy. There is a need to draw from the past; but a\npast which has seen confluences of different cultures and knowledge systems.\nMore importantly, we need to imbibe the rich experience of educational\nexperiences which developed in our battle for throwing off the colonial yoke,\ninitiated by Vidyasagar, Jyotiba Phule, Rabindranath Tagore and several others.\nWe cannot allow our precious education system to be harked back to an\nunrecognisable ancient past influenced by RSS driven Hindutwa ‘vision\u2019 with\naccompanying quest for obnoxious corporate profit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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